Angels serve as intermediaries between humanity and God, yet the operation of angelic intellect and the nature of angelic knowledge have received insufficient scholarly attention. Because angels lack matter, angelic intellect acquires knowledge through internal intuition of itself, and angelic knowledge is characterized by its interiority, requiring no external input. Confronting the divine-human tension inherent in angelic intellect, Aquinas clarifies the identity of understanding and being in the perfection of intellect by positioning the specificational character of angelic intellect's operation and the intellect's "supernatural natural desire," thereby establishing an ontological boundary between the created and the uncreated. This intuitive and interior conception of intellect constitutes a distinctively characteristic epistemological framework within Thomism.

This paper aims to explore Matteo Ricci’s arguments for the existence of God in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven and analyse their philosophical origins. Traditionally, scholars have regarded Ricci’s theory of proving God’s existence as being deeply influenced by Thomas Aquinas, particularly his “Five Ways” of proving God’s existence. However, this study seeks to further demonstrate that Ricci’s arguments not only inherit Aquinas’ ideas but also integrate other philosophical traditions, particularly those from ancient philosophy (such as Cicero and Aristotle), while following the apologetic style of 16th-century Iberian missionaries (such as Luis de Granada, O.P.).
By comparing The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven with Summa Theologiae, Summa Contra Gentiles, and Introducción del Símbolo de la Fe, this paper attempts to illustrate that Ricci’s argumentative strategy exhibits a “syncretic” character. He adopts Aquinas’ “final cause” proof, draws on Cicero’s “commonsense” argument and the rhetorical structures of 16th-century missionary writings, adapting them to fit the Chinese cultural context. Furthermore, this paper explains why Ricci’s theory of God’s existence should not be regarded as a mere imitation of Aquinas’ ideas. Instead, it represents a unique argumentative model that blends multiple philosophical and theological traditions while adapting to the East Asian cultural milieu. This syncretic approach is reflected not only in textual structure and content selection but also in the adaptation and transformation of argumentation methods. It highlights both the diversity of Ricci’s philosophical sources and the historical specificity of his apologetic style.

This article explores the possibility and relevance of engaging Thomas Aquinas’s moral reflection in the Summa Theologica through a transcultural dialogue with Confucian thought to face contemporary crisis. It opens by examining the ongoing debate on whether Confucianism is best understood as a Virtue Ethics or a Role Ethics. Then it turns to Huang Yong’s work, which draws parallels between Aristotle, Aquinas, and Zhu Xi. Huang defends an interpretation of Confucianism as a form of Virtue Ethics, rooted in human nature and moral cultivation, and argues that Zhu Xi offers a model closer to the “ideal type” of Virtue Ethics than Aristotle. The interest of Zhu Xi’s reflection is indeed to put relational abilities and dispositions at the foundation of moral reflection. This is also what Li Yong establishes, although relying on Mencius and Aquinas.
Interestingly, all the thinkers mentioned share a fundamental trust in the phenomena of tradition. The commentarial practices of Neo-Confucianism and Scholasticism embody a hermeneutical ethics that enables intergenerational transmission and innovation in moral reflection. This can also be observed in Aquinas’s definition of virtue, examining both its transcultural and teleological foundations. In this sense, transcultural Virtue Ethics, built on the bridging of Scholasticism and Confucianism, as exemplified by several commentators, advocates for the pursuit of moral knowledge that integrates rational, emotional, and spiritual dimensions across philosophical traditions.

This article aims to challenge the long-standing scholarly accusations of Simone Weil’s alleged Gnostic tendencies, arguing that her thought rigorously rejects any form of ontological dualism or epistemological dichotomy, and contending to position her within the continuum of Christian thought, particularly the Catholic tradition. In the second part of the argument, I present Weil’s hermeneutical reconstruction of spiritual history and argue that her advocacy of intellectual individualism does not originate from a cryptic Gnostic perspective but rather represents an attempt to reinterpret Christ’s love in response to the profound challenges of her time. This reinterpretation may be imperfect yet possessing sincerity.

In biblical revelation, the Holy Trinity and Christ’s mode of existence primarily are characterized by continuous outgoing movement, self-emptying (kenosis), or decentralization. This dynamic forms the foundation of the Church’s missionary outreach. The Church’s very nature should manifest and historically continue the mode of existence of the Trinity and Christ. Yet, this is often not the case. Even today, forms that are inconsistent with or opposed to this nature persist within the Church, such as self-centeredness. This attitude severely hinders the Church’s self-realization in her mission of evangelization. Therefore, the Church needs to be reformed. Following the path of Vatican II, Pope Francis proposes synodality as the direction and solution for this reform. This article primarily explores how synodality, on the one hand, renews our understanding of the Church by integrating what the Church is with what the Church does, and on the other hand, concretely enables the Church to more closely resemble the decentralized nature of the Holy Trinity and Christ—that is, to realize its essential missional existence.

The question of “when does the human person begin to exist” is one of the most important issues in the Church’s teachings on bioethics. Aristotle first proposed the doctrine of delayed hominization, arguing that the embryo initially possesses a vegetative soul and a sensitive soul but, since its external limbs have not yet formed, it lacks a human form and, consequently, a human soul—that is, a rational soul. According to Aristotle, the male embryo attains full human existence after forty days, while the female embryo requires ninety days. Building on Aristotle’s embryology and philosophical framework, Thomas Aquinas shifted the focus of the question “when does a human being begin to exist” from the physical formation of the body to the moment of “the infusion of the soul.” He emphasized the instant when “God creates and infuses the soul into the human body,” thereby establishing the concept of “delayed ensoulment.” Influenced by this theological system, the Church’s initial stance on abortion applied only to “formed” embryos. Consequently, the stage from the zygote to the early embryo faced a crisis regarding which ethical and moral standards should be applied. In its document Donum Vitae: Instruction on Respect for Human Life in its Origin and on the Dignity of Procreation, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith suggests that “from the moment of conception, the human person is to be respected and treated as a person.” However, the phrase “treated as a person” implies that Church authorities have not fully resolved the dilemma of when ensoulment occurs, a dilemma arising from the “delayed process of adultization.” If we return to the Genesis account of how God created human being “in the beginning” and the Israelites’ understanding of the concept of human “existence,” might this help us move beyond the Greek philosophical notion of human being as a composite of body and soul? Could it allow us to define human existence in terms of the relationship between human being and God at the very beginning of His creation? At the same time, can the different perspectives on “human being” offered by Greek philosophical thought and Hebrew culture help in understanding and defining the “personhood” of human being?

In recent years, there has been a growing body of literature examining the concept of “union with Christ” in Pauline texts, offering various proposals and interpretations aimed at providing a coherent explanation of this concept within Paul's epistles. This article critically evaluates three recent works that attempt to explicate Paul’s notion of “participation in Christ”: Blackwell's Christosis, Gorman’s Inhabiting the Cruciform God, and Macaskill’s Union with Christ in the New Testament. The evaluation is conducted based on the following criteria: theosis, the definition of participation in Christ, the distinction between Creator and creation, and the thematic centrality of participation in Christ within Paul’s thought. Finally, this study explores whether the theme of participation in Christ occupies a central position in Pauline theology and suggests potential avenues for further research, particularly regarding the relationship between sacraments, rituals, and the theme of participation in Christ.

This essay describes and analyzes the passages where Rev. Li Ande (1693–1774) in his Journal mentions the French MEP missionary and Bible translator Jean Basset (1662–1707). It was Fr. Basset who had taken the young Li Ande from his home in Shenxi to Sichuan and started the education of the boy. More than fourty years after Basset’s death, Rev. Li Ande wrote in his Journal about Fr. Basset and his works, altogether mentioning him around 30 times. The present study analyzes the Latin appellations by which Li Ande respectfully names his mentor Basset, the impact of Basset’s short catechism, Basset’s role in the social acceptance of Catholicism in Sichuan, and his Chinese translation of the New Testament. Finally, Basset’s polite attitude also was praised by Li Ande. The essay highlights the missionary heritage of Fr. Basset as it was described, evaluated, and continued by Li Ande.

In their reception of the Chinese Christian documents from the Tang period, Peter Saeki and Arthur Moule put forth a distinction between the Aluoben documents and the Jingjing documents, assuming that the authors of these texts shared the same cultural background, held similar theological opinions and belonged to a single Christian community. However, the account of Zunjing about Alunogen’s arrival in China shows that he might not have been involved in translating the Jingjiao texts into Chinese. In contrast with Peter Saeki and Arthur Moule’s view, it seems reasonable to posit that Aluoben might have been a diplomatic emissary of the Persian Sassanid Empire and that the author of the Xi’an stele subsequently emphasized his identity as a missionary. Given that Yishenlun and Xuting Mishisuo jing were addressed to an audience with an understanding of the Sogdian language, it seems implausible that these two texts were composed by Aluoben in Chang’an and intended for court officials. Furthermore, it is evident that the Christians who emigrated to China in the 7^th and 8^th centuries were of Sogdian, Persian, and Bactrian origins, and therefore had a diverse range of historical and cultural backgrounds. In addition, an examination of the theological opinions expressed in Yishenlun and Xuting Mishisuo jing in comparison to those found in other Jingjiao texts reveals notable divergences. These elements rather suggest that the authors and intended addressees of the Chinese Christian texts were part of disparate groups with distinct cultural backgrounds and theological features.

In recent times, the “inconsistency” of Pauline epistles has been a focus of the discussion once again. A brief review of the research history in the 20^th century reveals that “inconsistency” is not a new issue but probably a challenge that Paul had to face during his lifetime. As an ardent admirer of Paul, St. John Chrysostom did his best to refute all claims of “inconsistency” in Pauline epistles. On the one hand, St. John Chrysostom was a staunch defender of the coherence of the Pauline epistles, both in terms of their formal coherence as a codex and in terms of the coherence of their content, based on factors of time, intention, and the Holy Spirit. On the other hand, St. John Chrysostom also defends and praises Paul’s diversity, even giving positive connotations to adjectives that have traditionally carried a negative meaning. St. John Chrysostom’s argument is also strictly circumscribed. In short, Pauline diversity is expressed by Paul’s motivation of saving mankind, the example of Christ’s kenosis, the context of the kerygma, and the selected material and style that form the content of Pauline epistles.

“The Exodus from Egypt” was one of the people of Israel’s most direct experiences of the Lord as the rescuing God. Through this event, God not only identified the Israelites as His chosen people but also instituted the “Passover” (cf. Exo 12:14), which was to be commemorated by all generations. However, when Moses led the people of Israel on their journey from Egypt to the Promised Land, the “Exodus” seemed to be quickly forgotten by them, and the Israelites continuously reminisced about what they had experienced in Egypt by rebelling, complaining, and testing the Lord. However, God not only provided everything they needed for their journey but also established another festival for them to be commemorated by all generations, which is the Feast of Tabernacles (cf. Lev. 23:41). Since then, the Passover and the Feast of Tabernacles have become two important annual festivals of the Israelite people. On the one hand, these two festivals have become historical memorials; on the other hand, they symbolize the relationship between God and His people in terms of saving and being saved, of choosing and being chosen, and thus the identity of the Israelite people. The purpose of this article is to reread this tortuous process of “remembering” and “forgetting,” “revolt” and “reconciliation,” and “trauma” and “healing” in order to explore how the Israelite people interpreted their “commemoration” of the two events and defined their identity.

During a research project aimed at understanding emerging trends in the Church in China, young Catholics emphasised the importance of fraternal ecclesial communities for faith development. They often refer to Christ as “Elder Brother Jesus,” echoing early Church Fathers’ views of Christ as the Brother who adopts believers into divine Fraternity through baptism. This concept resonates with Chinese cultural values. The thesis suggests that this Christological approach can help develop an ecclesiology of the Church as the Fraternity of Christ, aligning with the Acts of the Apostles and emphasising synodality based on Fraternity, as highlighted by the phrase “You are all brothers” (Mt 23:8).

Taiji (太極) is a quintessential concept spanning thousands of years of Chinese history. Immersed in this ancient tradition and reflecting on his profound personal experience, Gong Yan developed Interior Taiji (太極合一靈修) as a unitive praxis, which has enriched the personal and social lives of contemporary China for over a decade. This article begins with a brief introduction to the practice of Interior Taiji. It then explores Gong’s approach to affect in the light of mystical theology, followed by a conceptualisation of the praxis of Interior Taiji and its professional ethics through medieval affect and contemporary affect theories. Finally, by considering Interior Taiji in conversation with contemporary philosophy and the thoughts of Pope Francis, I present an open horizon for Chinese Catholic theology that the boundaries of religious thought, attends to the process of integral health, and expresses the lived wisdom of the Chinese people.

How can the Gospel be better spread in China so that the Chinese people can better understand and accept Christianity? This is a question that countless missionaries and Christians in China have pondered and worked on since Matteo Ricci. The “Chinese Rite Controversy” had a significant impact on the development of the Church in China. Although the dispute eventually subsided after the intervention of the Holy See, it did not disappear completely. This article discusses the arguments and objectives of missionaries in the mid-19^th century regarding the use of Chinese classical terms Tian and Shangdi to refer to God. There was no right or wrong in the views of the two sides, but only a manifestation of their responsibility and love for the local church. This paper specifically analyzes the dialogue between the Lazarist Bishop Joseph-Martial Mouly and Bishop Emmanuel-Jean-Francois Verrolles of the Missions étrangers de Paris (MEP) on this issue, reflecting their concerns in the mission in China and examining the significance of their theology of inculturation and missionary strategy.

Throughout history, poetry has held a profoundly important place in Chinese cultural history and in the lives of the Chinese literati. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, Jesuit missionaries who came to China hoped to integrate into and adapt to Chinese culture. They created a large number of literary works in Chinese, including poems. Michele Ruggieri (A.D. 1543-1607), the first Jesuit missionary officially permitted to enter China, wrote over fifty regulated poems in Chinese. These poems, rich in Catholic elements and known as the Chinese Catholic poems, not only recorded the interactions between the missionaries and late Ming literati but also showcased the inculturated Catholicism.